SCRAP new, open-access article about pottery

SCRAP has a new, open-access journal article available in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, titled “It’s What’s Inside that Counts: Developing a paste group typology in Belize.” The study was co-produced by archaeologists Jillian Jordan (USA) and Meaghan Peuramaki-Brown (Canada), local potters Aurora Saqui (Maya Centre, Belize) and Frank Tzib (San Antonio, Belize), and traditional ecological knowledge specialist Sylvestro Chiac (Maya Mopan, Belize). The following is an easy-to-read summary of what the article investigates and concludes, along with the future directions of our pottery studies.

Clockwise from top left: Frank Tzib, Sylvestro Chiac, Jill Jordan, Aurora Saqui, Meaghan Peuramaki-Brown

Ceramics are the most typical artifact recovered from ancient Maya archaeological sites. They tell us important information about when people occupied places, what activities they were involved with, and how people living in different regions interacted. Most ceramic analysis in the Maya region depends almost entirely on describing the outward appearance of a vessel. The pottery pieces that we find at the ancient town of Alabama in East-Central Belize (today, the Stann Creek District) are primarily body sherds without any features that can tell us the form of the vessel (e.g., a jar or a bowl) or decoration to provide clues about where people produced them. So, what do we do? We cannot proceed with our typical analyses, but we cannot just ignore an abundant and informative artifact type because it presents a problem.

Typical, highly eroded Alabama potsherds.

We decided to analyze paste characteristics (clay + rock) because we can study these attributes even on poorly preserved sherds. We used a portable microscope called a Dino-Lite in our field laboratory in Maya Centre, combined with thin section petrography in our lab back in the United States. You can check out the SCRAP YouTube page for more information on thin-section petrography and how archaeologists use the technique.

Clockwise from top left: Using the Dino-Lite in the field lab; firing experimental pots and briquettes in the kitchen hearth; making pottery out of local clays; making clay test briquettes for thin sectioning; washing potsherds; a pottery thin section under the petrographic microscope.

We also analyzed clay and rock samples to compare to the pottery. We do this to understand where ancient peoples were gathering materials and determine which kinds of pottery they were producing locally at Alabama. We identified and named six ceramic paste groups using the names that members of the public in Belize, Canada, the USA, and beyond voted on last year via our Survey Monkey poll. These paste groups tell us how people made the pottery and where. Ancient peoples produced two of the groups at Alabama, while they produced another group somewhere else in the Stann Creek District, and they made two more outside of East-Central Belize. Analyzing paste characteristics on thousands of sherds was time-consuming and frustrating, but it provided important information on provenance, which form and decoration alone cannot tell us. Since we analyzed 100% of sherds collected from the surface of over 100 house mounds in 2015, our future studies about how people distributed the pottery throughout the site will be much more accurate than if we only analyzed diagnostic sherds.

2015 survey & surface collection team

Jill and Meaghan approach the study of pottery production from an archaeological perspective, but are not potters, and their familiarity with the landscape around Alabama is limited. Ms. Aurora Saqui is an accomplished artisan, author, and traditional healer. She provided her considerable knowledge about pottery production and the clays and rocks in the Stann Creek District. Mr. Frank Tzib is also a potter and has recently gained significant social media fame decorating and selling custom painted ceramic vessels with Maya hieroglyphs. He also helped analyze the sherds that we discuss in the paper. Mr. Sylvestro Chiac spent many hours guiding the team around the Alabama area, looking for different clays and discussing the landscape in relations to different soils, rocks, etc. Conversations with him have been some of the most important for understanding how potters may have interacted with the landscape in the ancient past. This paper presents the methods we used as the groundwork for our team’s future analyses. Now we can focus on the act of pottery production at Alabama. With Meaghan and Jill contributing their archaeology and materials science knowledge and Ms. Aurora, Frank, and Sylvestro approaching the research from the standpoint of traditional and contemporary practice and Indigenous science in the region, we have a much better understanding of the Alabama pottery than any of us could have achieved on our own. We hope the results of our research are useful not only to archaeologists, but also to local potters in the region who are looking to the past for inspiration.

Week 23 SCRAP Reading Group: Inalienable possessions

Last Friday we once again met over Zoom. This time, Adrian Chase chose our article, focused on inalienable possessions: “objects made to be kept (not exchanged), have symbolic and economic power that cannot be transferred, and are often used to authenticate the ritual authority of corporate groups.” Check out the article summary and discussion questions below.

Mills, Barbara J. 2004. The Establishment and Defeat of Hierarchy: Inalienable Possessions and the History of Collective Prestige Structures in the Pueblo Southwest. American Anthropologist 106(2):238-251.


What social relationships and material patterns coexist with market exchange, and what role does equifinality play in our ability as archaeologists to sort between these different patterns? In this article, Barbara Mills focuses on ethnographic and archaeological data to describe specialized materials related to prestige and ritual that were not prestige goods as traditionally defined. Instead, “inalienable possessions are objects made to be kept (not exchanged), have symbolic and economic power that cannot be transferred, and are often used to authenticate the ritual authority of corporate groups.” This idea originally comes from Annette Weiner’s ethnographic work in the Pacific on a specific class of ritual items that circulated outside of market exchange. While Mills states that this model works for nonstate societies, what other models and ideas does this inspire for understanding any efforts at “defeating hierarchy” within ancient Maya society?


Matt Peeples recommended this article as a synergistic reference to the pan-Caracol pattern of eastern shrines. At Caracol, most plazuela residential groups have an eastern shrine (between 70 to 80%) which contains tombs, burials, and caches that exhibit similar material culture (Chase and Chase 2007; 2009; 2017:213-217). This is regardless of residential size – even the summit of Caana exhibits similar patterns to average residents, albeit with more material. This pattern appears to be part of a citywide categorical identity, but it also suggests some social mechanism(s) to create residential wealth and reduces differential wealth displayed between average residences and elite residences.

Discussion Questions:

  1. How do the social processes outlined by Mills both establish and defeat hierarchy? Are these good examples of social leveling and how else have archaeologists investigated “social leveling mechanisms”? How do more egalitarian interpretations for the US southwest affect this?
  2. What are some of the issues in comparisons between the US Southwest and the Maya area? How do different perspectives of state versus non-state social organization alter this research?
  3. How do material selection, production, and use change the nature of “inalienable goods” from “prestige goods”? Mills contrasts prestige goods exchange with inalienable goods possession as two potential patterns in the archaeological record. How do inalienable goods interact with market exchange? Would market exchange patterns alter this process or subsume it?
  4. How operationalizable is this concept, and how would these interpretations change without the ethnographic record (see page 132 and the Bunzel 1932b reference)? In what ways would this material be equifinal with other depositional patterns?
  5. One aspect of Mills’s work in general is an attempt to build up from social relationships into larger social patterns. How do these micro-scale social models differ from more macro-scale social models? Given sampling, does a micro-scale approach more closely match our datasets?

Upcoming SCRAP/BREA presentation, Canadian Archaeological Association

The Canadian Latin American Archaeology Society is hosting the “Recent Research in Latin American Archaeology” session at the upcoming 53rd Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association (May 5th – 8th , 2021 – Many Voices, Multiple Pasts). The session is co-sponsored by CLAAS and the “Mummies as Microcosms” project (Dr. Andrew Nelson, Western University). The session is scheduled for 𝗧𝗵𝘂𝗿𝘀𝗱𝗮𝘆, 𝗠𝗮𝘆 𝟲 𝗮𝘁 𝟯 𝗣𝗠 (𝗘𝗦𝗧). (…/recent-research-latin…).

SCRAP directors Dr. Meaghan Peuramaki-Brown and Dr. Shawn Morton will be presenting along with Dr. Marieka Brouwer Burg of the BREA project. Our presentation is titled “Away from ‘The Field’: Pivoting Archaeological Investigations during Pandemic Times.” If you would like to watch the pre-recorded presentations and participate in the live Zoom discussion, you can attend our session by registering for the conference (…/annual…/registration). Registration is by donation and the registration link will remain active throughout the conference. Everyone is welcome!

Abstract for our talk: The past year has brought about a new reality for archaeologists, especially those working outside their home countries or as part of diverse multinational collaborations. As many of us grapple with the possibility of missing or radically modifying yet another field season this summer, we ask whether there is a silver lining to our new normal? Across our discipline, researchers/academics, government officials, rights holders, stakeholders, and interested publics are marshaling to keep the conversation going and developing new ways of interacting. At a time when “physical distancing” is a near-universal public health strategy, we have–with the aid of new and developing digital platforms–never been more connected. We are hopeful that this spirit of connection will continue, with long-term positive consequences for truly collaborative projects. In this presentation, we outline remote research strategies inspired by the new normal and pursued by our two field programs in Belize, which stand to push science forward and generate more meaningful community collaboration beyond COVID-19. We discuss key considerations that should structure future decisions regarding field-based research in Belize and beyond. Finally, we wish to solicit feedback from our colleagues, both travelers and hosts, in order to improve our practice.

Week 22 SCRAP Reading Group: Gender and Crafting

Last week’s reading was selected by Kathryn Reese-Taylor and focused on gender and multicrafting. Thank you to all who participated in this fruitful discussion. See below for summary and questions.

Traci Ardren, Alejandra Alonso, and T. Kam Manahan (2016). The Artisans of Terminal Classic Xuenkal, Yucatan, Mexico: Gender and Craft During a Period of Economic Change. In Gender Labor in Specialized Economies: Archaeological Perspectives on Male and Female Work, edited by S. Kelly & T. Ardren, pp. 91-115. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.


This chapter, by Ardren, Alonso, and Manahan, focuses on Terminal Classic multi-crafting in a large elite household at the site of Xuenkal, strategically located 45 km north of Chichén Itzá, mid-way along the most direct route between the urban center and it’s port site. The authors propose that Xuenkal weathered the political and economic instability that resulted in the abandonment of many centers in northern Yucatán by adopting practices that resulted its rapid integration into the political economy of Chichén Itzá. To address this hypothesis, the authors examine the household economy of FN-129, rectangular basal platform with the remains of various superstructures built during the Terminal Classic period. They present the evidence for various types of crafting activities in the FN 129 household, including shell bead production, textile production, and lithic production. In addition, the spatial distribution of various categories of artifacts is discussed, with some overlap being noted.

To address the issue of gendered production, the authors use the theory of complementarity as applied to gendered concepts of space to undergird a discussion of activities within domestic space, an area long recognized to be under female supervision. They conclude that the integration of these activities into the household implies the women, as well as children and the elderly, played essential roles in the production of goods for exchange, at least in the FN 129 household. Perhaps more interesting was the comparison made with ancient economies undergoing intensification in other parts of the Americas. In the two cases presented (Inka and Zuni), the economic intensification involved a need for increased labour and resulted in a concomitant restructuring/loosening of gender roles.

Discussion questions:

  1. The argument for the inclusion of women in crafting activities is predicated on theories of complementarity that drive a gendered analysis of space, i. e. women are “in charge”of the domestic sphere , while men had responsibilities in agriculture and provisioning. However, given the roles of women depicted in other contexts, such as the Calakmul murals and the elite women as ambassadors and warriors in public art, should theories of complementarity as the basis for our understanding of gender among the prehispanic Maya be reconsidered?
  2. Given that most crafting in the Maya region was conducted in households, does the evidence at Xuenkal imply a change in gendered roles regarding production during the Terminal Classic in the Chichén Itzá region?
  3. Does an intensification of production that includes an increase in the labour pool inherently result in a loosening or restructuring of gendered roles of production?
  4. What types of evidence is needed to conclusively argue for gendered production?
  5. As the economy of Terminal Classic Chichén Itzá expanded and intensified, why was multi-crafting, a practice with some degree of longevity in Maya economies, used by local regional economies, such as that at Xuenkal, to integrate themselves into the Chichén network (as opposed to increased specialization or mass production)?
  6. The authors suggest shell bead production, textile weaving, and lithic production were major economic activities within the FN 129 household and imply that these were used for tribute or exchange within the Chichén Itzá economic network. However, is the evidence for production beyond the needs of the household present in all instances?

Week 21 SCRAP Reading Group: Obsidian

Thank you to Dr. Elizabeth Paris for joining us for this week’s discussion about obsidian. The article (selected this week by Lorraine), was an oldie but a goodie that led to 3 hours of conversation! Thanks to all who took part. See below for Lorraine’s summary and questions.


Awe, Jamie and Healy, Paul. “Flakes to Blades? Middle Formative Development of Obsidian Artifacts in the Upper Belize River Valley”. Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Sep., 1994), pp. 193-205.


In this article, the authors concentrate on obsidian technological development at the Cahal Pech site in the Upper Belize River Valley of the Maya Lowlands. The first half of the early Middle Formative Period (1000 – 850 B.C.) consisted only of flakes at this site.  The late Middle Formative (650 – 450 B.C.) is when the prismatic blades and blade-cores first occur. The prismatic blade and blade-core continued to dominate during the Late Formative and Classic Periods. The comparison with studies at other sites in the Central Maya Lowlands, such as Pacbitun, Barton Ramie, Copan, Seibel, Altar de Sacrificios, Central Peten Lakes region, showed similar trends of contextual distribution. Cuello and Colha sites though had discrepancies, which Awe and Healy determined made any correlation difficult. It is also noted by Awe and Healy that this sequence has been recorded from the Pacific Coast of Guatemala, Maya Highlands, and northern Mesoamerica.

The authors conclude that this flake-to-bladelet sequence would be attributed to areas where a minimum level of socio-political complexity needed to be reached in order for this specialization to occur. The late Middle Formative is seen as fitting this model as was a time of major increases in population, pronounced construction activity, more marked differentiation in social ranking, and more complex trade networks incorporating long distance contact and exchange.


(1) Thoughts on the authors “Why does the contextual distribution of the Cahal Pech obsidian artifacts reflect a developmental sequence similar to that observed in the highlands, Pacific Coast of Guatemala, Maya Highlands, and northern Mesoamerica?

(2) Do you see this trend in your area?

(3) Do changes in form reflect changes in how obsidian was used?

(4) How does this further the understanding of mobility/trade patterns?

(5) How does this development coincide with trends of other artifacts, such as pottery?

(6) Let’s talk about obsidian sources …

(7) Are your alcohol bottles adding up? Some experimental archaeology? Flint knapping anyone!?!

Belize to Bezanson talk

Alberta-educated archaeologists, Dr. Shawn Morton (GPRC instructor) and Dr. Meaghan Peuramaki-Brown (Associate professor at Athabasca University and GPRC visiting scholar) hosted a presentation on Friday, March 26, 2021 on their research of frontiers and boomtowns. Learn about their long-term research in Alabama, Belize – an old townsite located outside of the Maya heartland, that was a bustling frontier town during its time roughly 1,200 years ago, and their future plans for community-based research closer to home in Bezanson, Alberta. This was an opportunity to provide important community input, as Dr. Morton and Dr. Peuramaki-Brown work to connect and show the similarities of these two locations, even through they are separated by more than a millennium and thousands of miles.

Read their full story at

If you missed the presentation it is available online on the SCRAP YouTube channel.

📸#BeforeSocialDistancing#ExperienceGPRC#TechTuesday#5GPRCGPRC Research and Innovation

Week 20 SCRAP Reading Group: Ethnicity & Material Culture

This past week our reading group ventured into the ever-complicated topic of ethnicity in archaeology. Thanks to all who attended and to Dr. Mary Davis for taking the time out to be with us. See below for summary and discussion questions provided by Shawn, and thank you to Heather for providing the photo.

Davis, Mary A. (2018) The Harappan ‘Veneer’ and the Forging of Urban Identity. In Walking with the Unicorn, D. Frenez, G.M. Jamison, R.W. Law, M. Vidale, and R.H. Meadow, eds., pp. 145-160. Archaeopress Access Archaeology.

In this article, Mary Davis explores a material culture tradition/horizon known as the ‘Harappan Veneer’. Mary proposes that this veneer spread via participation in trade and crafting traditions. It served to cement shared patterns of material culture use and symbolic representation across a diverse population. Evaluating four models for interaction—ultimately arguing that the ‘dormancy’ model best fits the data—Mary goes on to argue that, rather than signalling ethnic affiliation, adoption of the veneer was intended to signal being ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘connected’ with any ethnic identities simply masked but remaining present to one day re-emerge.


  1. What is ‘ethnicity’? Is it expressed materially? How?
  2. Can we differentiate ethnicity from other categories of identity represented by material culture and interpreted in the archaeological record? Is ethnicity a useful concept when considering the peoples of the ancient Indus? Is it useful when considering the peoples of the ancient Maya region? Similarities? Differences? To what degree does available data (a product of time, access, and the numbers of researchers involved) change what we can say?
  3. What is ‘Maya culture’? The ‘Maya area’ has been divided into a series of material culture sub-regions. East-Central Belize, where SCRAP conducts its research is defined by earthen core architecture, granite facing stones and monuments, the conspicuous use of ornamental (likely imported) limestone, etc. What characteristics define other sub-regions? What does this mean? Do such sub-divisions have any integrity as emic identity markers? Are they the simple product of environmental/technological/economic determinism?
  4. At what point does ‘Maya’ stop being a useful term/concept and start being a hindrance to archaeological interpretation?

Week 19 SCRAP Reading Group: Ancient Currencies

Thank you to Dr. Geoff Braswell for joining us in Friday’s conversation about money/currency (did it exist??), its production and procurement, and core-periphery relations in the ancient Maya world. See below for article summary and discussion questions (courtesy of Matt Longstaffe).

Baron, Joanne P. 2018. Making Money in Mesoamerica: Currency Production and Procurement in the Classic Maya Financial System. Economic Anthropology 5(2):210–223. DOI:10.1002/sea2.12118.

What is money? How did it develop in complex societies such as the Maya? What evidence do we have for it (in its varying forms) and how did it change over time? How did money configure and reconfigure socioeconomic relationships? These are just a few of the questions raised in “Making money in Mesoamerica: Currency production and procurement in the Classic Maya financial system”.

In the article, Joanne Baron proposes a historical process of monetization in which items indexical to elite status, such as cacao and cotton textiles, see their value extended beyond elite contexts to become money or currency. This process accelerates in the seventh-century CE when large polities across the southern lowlands begin to devote more resources to their market economies as they become reliant on goods exchanged in marketplaces. It is argued that this process of shifting materiality–through discourse and practice cacao and cotton (and woven cloth) assume new value and become currency–ultimately reconfigures relationships between core urban polities and agricultural zones in the peripheries of the Maya world.

Discussion Questions (in no particular order):

  1. Cacao, salt, jade, shell, and copper. These are all examples of environmentally distributed resources that ultimately become important to the commercialization of Maya economies. Baron highlights eastern and southern Belize as regions strongly affected by this process. Do we agree with the presented scenarios? Is the shift in value of goods such as cacao, salt, or shell represented directly or indirectly in the material record of our sites? If so, what does this look like? In what types of contexts is this observed?
  • Standardization of production (or products) is important to the creation of a standard of value. What approaches can we use (or already use) to identify standardization in the material record?
  • While the article focuses predominantly on the institutional economy, how does increased commercialization and monetization impact the functioning of domestic economies? What material patterns should we expect in households in increasingly commercialized Maya societies?
  • Does intensive production of commodities such as cacao or salt require elite monopolization?
  • Core-periphery relations are not a new topic of study in Mesoamerican archaeology. However, research about money/currency is forcing a re-examination of assumptions about the dynamics of social, political, and economic relations between regions, polities, and producers-consumers, for example. How might regions such as Stann Creek (once called an “unoccupied cultural backwater”) be reconsidered in light of evidence for incipient commercialization during the Late Classic?
  • While we may or may not agree with the scenario(s) presented by Baron, there were undoubtedly interactions (in many forms) between eastern and southern Belize and other regions. These interactions were certainly not constrained to individual sites. How can we think more regionally? How can we better integrate meso- and macro-scale data to understand our material patterns? What might this tell us about the scope and scale of interactions between Stann Creek/Toledo and regions further afield.

Reading Group, Week 18: Fun with Bayesian modeling!

This week we dared to venture into the world of Bayesian statistics. Luckily, we had the marvelous Dr. Julie Hoggarth as our guide. See below for summaries of the articles and the questions that directed our 2.5-hour discussion.


Hamilton, W. Derek, and Anthony M. Krus. (2018) The myths and realities of Bayesian chronological modeling revealed.” American Antiquity 83.2: 187-203.
Hamilton and Krus review the history of using Bayesian chronological modeling within archaeology, offering several myths and misconceptions about the method based on their experience with colleagues. They show that there has been a boom in the use of Bayesian modeling over the past 5 years in particular, particularly applied within British archaeology as well as American archaeology. They list the following misconceptions: 1. Bayesian statistics are not scientifically objective; 2. Old radiocarbon measurements with large errors should be ignored; 3. Stratigraphic relationships between samples are needed to make a Bayesian chronological model; 4. The dates for diagnostic artifacts or time ranges should be included in models as constraints; 5. Agreement indices are useful tools for determining which models are probable; 6. Bayesian modeling is not necessary if you have an accepted site/regional chronology. Throughout their discussion of the general practice of Bayesian modeling, the authors ask chronological questions based on when activities began, ended, and the length of time the activity took place. These are all feasible questions when working in Bayesian models, given that prior information are used to model dates. The authors take the readers through the whole process from selecting samples to setting up models.

Hoggarth, Julie A., Brendan J. Culleton, Jaime J. Awe, Christophe Helmke, Sydney Lonaker, J. Britt Davis, and Douglas J. Kennett. (Accepted) Buliding High-Precision AMS 14C Bayesian Models for the Formation of Peri-Abandonment Deposits at Baking Pot, Belize. Accepted in Radiocarbon.
Hoggarth et al. present a case study on the timing of the depositional processes of peri-abandonment deposits at Baking Pot, Belize, to assess the timing for the end of political activity at the site during the Late to Terminal Classic period. Multiple hypotheses have been presented to explain these deposits, which often feature large amounts of broken pottery, along with faunal remains, figurines, and in some cases musical instruments, in corners of plazas and courtyards in sites across the Maya lowlands. These have been interpreted as rapid events, such as warfare, with the assumption that the deposits were created in a single short-lived event (day or two) in which the entire deposit was formed (e.g., the palace was sacked and the material in it were deposited in these features). Other interpretations stress more protracted processes for the formation of deposits, such as the ritual termination of ceremonial spaces or pilgrimage by post-abandonment populations. To test these ideas, the authors dated faunal remains from distinct layers of 3 deposits, using hieroglyphic texts with calendar dates as priors to constrain dates when available. They used their stratigraphic positions to place the dates into the Bayesian model, using three models to assess rapid, medium, and protracted depositional processes. The results show low statistical agreement for rapid and medium models, with very high agreement with protracted processes, and show that for Baking Pot at least, these processes included at least 3 depositional events spanning around 150 years in total.


  1. Do we agree with Hamilton and Krus’ list of misconceptions of Bayesian modeling? Are there any points here that you think might still be problematic, particularly within their application in Maya archaeology?
  2. Given the expansion of Bayesian chronological modeling within British and North American archaeology,why don’t we see more use of these methods in the Maya area? Is this a remnant of how Maya archaeologists are trained, are large-scale dating projects too expensive, or is it not that necessary given that Maya ceramic sequences are tied to the Gregorian calendar by association with Long Count dates on monuments (or a combination of these factors)?
  3. Do we all agree that ceramic types that have been well-dated for one site/region date to the same time when they are found at other sites? Using our example of Belize Red from the last meeting, does the Belize Valley ceramic sequence nail down the the timing of Belize Red in southern Belize (or another region)?
  4. In my [Julie’s] article on Baking Pot, we are able to use Long Count and Calendar Round dates on ceramics in the deposits as a terminus post quem, to constrain the ‘time after which’ we know the deposit could have formed. Is this an under-explored area for chronology building in the Maya region or are these types of artifacts so rare that this type of method will not be likely to catch on much in Maya archaeology?
  5. Inomata and colleagues have had quite a bit of push-back from regional specialists on their Bayesian chronological revision for Kaminaljuyu and other sites. What are the main issues with applying these methods when one is not a specialist working in that region? Should archaeologists stick to those sites where they conduct excavation or can specialists working in other areas lend information or perspectives that might otherwise be missed?
  6. What do you feel would be the most important information that you’d like to learn from these types of studies and how they can be applied to the Maya area? Do you think that those studies that have been attemped (e.g. Inomata et al.) have been successful?

SCRAP Reading Group Week 17: Markets & Distributional Approach

This week we had our first meet-up of the new year for the SCRAP Reading Group. A special thank you to Dr. Bernadette Cap who joined us to discuss a series of articles on economies, marketplaces, and the distributional approach in Maya studies. Summaries and discussion questions are below.

Eppich, Keith (2020). Commerce, Redistribution, Autarky, and Barter: The Multitiered Urban Economy of El Perú-Waká, Guatemala. In The Real Business of Ancient Maya Economies: From Farmers’ Fields to Rulers’ Realms, edited by Marilyn A. Masson, David A. Freidel, and Arthur A. Demarest, pp. 149-171. University of Florida Press, Tallahassee.

Eppich uses the concept of the ceramic microtradition (Deal 1998) and defines it as “the unique stylistic attributes belonging to specific pottery workshops and, in some cases, individual potters” (153). He applies the Distributional Approach to ceramic types and concludes that market exchange existed at El Perú-Waká because all households, regardless of rank, had Tinaja Rojo, Infierno Negro, Maquina Café. The distribution of polychromes supports a redistributive economy in the Late Classic (they occur at all households but in much higher frequencies in elite residences) and through commerce in the Terminal Classic.

Cap, Bernadette (2020). The Difference a Marketplace Makes: A View of Maya Market Exchange from the Late Classic Buenavista del Cayo Marketplace. In The Real Business of Ancient Maya Economies: From Farmers’ Fields to Rulers’ Realms, edited by Marilyn A. Masson, David A. Freidel, and Arthur A. Demarest, pp. 387-402. University of Florida Press, Tallahassee.
Cap provides empirical evidence for the presence of a marketplace at Buena Vista del Cayo in the Belize River Valley. She includes a list of marketplace activities (exchange of goods, craft production, storage, food preparation, maintenance, administration) and the archaeological expectations for each so that researchers can identify markets at other sites. Cap concludes that limestone bifaces, obsidian blades, organics, and possibly ceramics were exchanged at the Buena Vista market.

Discussion Questions

Applying the Distributional Approach in the Maya Region
Hirth (2009: 459) specifically selected non-local pottery to evaluate market exchange at Xochicalco because (1) “their foreign origin meant that all of the variation in domestic assemblages would be a function of the distribution system through which they moved” and (2) their relative scarcity and high transportation costs made them prestige goods that could have been moved outside of market exchange.

  1. If the conditions of the Distributional Approach are not met in the study (i.e. at least identifying local vs. non-local pottery), should we be applying it? What does it tell us?
  2. Local goods can certainly be exchanged via market exchange. Does this mean that a Distributional Approach, without knowledge of provenance, suggests the presence of localized market exchange?”
  3. Deal (1998) discusses microtraditions as a combination of technological, formal, and stylistic attributes. Eppich does not include technological attributes which are arguably the most useful for determining where/from whom a potter learned to produce pottery. Are ceramic types the same as microtraditions? Is this a case of type-variety being over extended?
  4. Can this extend back in time? If all Preclassic households have red slipped pottery does that mean there was market exchange?

Scale of Market Exchange”
Bernadette’s work has demonstrated the presence of markets at Buena Vista in the Belize Valley. What are the next steps for archaeologists in regions were markets have been identified?

  1. Identify markets at other sites using Cap’s criteria and document variation?
  2. Attempt to understand the scale of market exchange? I (and Sunahara 2003) think there was regional market exchange for pottery in the Late Classic in the Belize Valley.
  3. Should we be thinking regionally in places like the Belize Valley where people surely interacted regularly across the region? It seems to me there have been enough projects (artifact collections) to achieve this.

Some Alabama specific Data/Questions

Surface collection (house mounds) data:

• 39.2 % non-local pottery (southern Belize, northern Belize, Belize Valley, Maya Mountains, unknown limestone bearing regions)

• 27.5 % local to Alabama

• 33.3% mix of local and non-local (mostly areas associated with the Maya Mountains)

  1. Our compositional analysis indicates the pottery is coming from all over the place. Does that mean that Alabama had access to, or hosted, a large market with goods from all over?
  2. Is there another explanation? Perhaps variability is related to easy access to the coast? Location in a frontier zone? Some combination of markets, maritime trade, and frontier zone location?
  3. Where should we look for comparative data to understand the consumption patterns at Alabama? Is the Alabama data anomalous? Or is there just a lack of provenance/production studies?”